The electoral authorities called it a “technical tie” after the incumbent centre-right Daniel Noboa and his main left-wing challenger Luisa Gonzalez received nearly identical percentages of the vote.

The pair will now face a run-off in April.

The result is far narrower than opinion polls predicted, indicating the second round could be harder to call.

The narrow result also dashed the hopes of Noboa’s supporters, who had been buoyed by an early exit poll suggesting he might clinch victory outright.

The president’s supporters gathered in Quito, waving flags, donning T-shirts with his image and holding life-size cardboard cut-outs of the incumbent president.

These cut-outs, depicting Noboa in various outfits – from suits to tank tops and sunglasses – have become ubiquitous symbols across the country decorating front doors, apartment windows, and even car rooftops.

Noboa’s presidency has been defined by his focus on tackling severe gang violence.

He implemented emergency measures to deploy the military to streets and prisons to curb rising crime.

Many of his supporters hope he will secure a mandate in the run-off to continue his security policies.

“He’s helped us a lot, from when there was gang violence so bad that we couldn’t even go out,” said Fernanda Iza.

The 45-year-old added: “The support of the military he’s introduced – their presence is already helping.

“He has brought us a certain stability. There are many problems still pending, but I hope he continues with his plan.”

Juan Diego Escobar, 16, expressed optimism about Noboa’s chances.

“I think the majority of people who voted for other candidates will prefer to vote for Daniel Noboa in the second round,” he said.

“Noboa handles insecurity well. Crime is fairly well controlled. I think he will also improve the economy.”

Miriam Naranjo said despite being the incumbent, Noboa represented “change”.

She added: “We need the work that he has been doing so far to continue. It’s only been a short time. We were expecting a bigger margin, so we have to work to keep that support for our candidate.”

Despite some successes, such as the capture of some major gang leaders and a slight reduction in prison violence, violent crime remains a major issue.

Violent deaths fell in 2024 but stayed near record levels. In January 2025 alone 750 homicides were reported.

Gonzalez – a protégé of former president Rafael Correa – has criticised Noboa for failing to deliver on key promises, such as boosting the economy, cutting fuel prices, and addressing violent crime.

While she has proposed similar military and police operations to combat crime, her campaign has emphasised increased social spending in Ecuador’s most violent regions.

His critics also accused him of a slow response to a severe drought that led to prolonged power cuts last year.

Noboa also sparked controversy during the campaign by refusing to delegate his presidential duties to Vice President Verónica Abad, citing an electoral law loophole.

This decision became part of a public spat between the two.

Luisa Gonzalez’s supporters see her as a chance for change.

Gonzalo Cajas, 46, said: “Why is there crime? There is poverty. There is hunger. So there should be someone who is really aware of Ecuadorian workers so that the country moves forward.”

Alejandra Tufiño, 42, added: “The country’s security is in pieces. I want change. I’m not saying that she’s going to solve it – but let’s see what happens if we give her a chance.”

Some voters remain disillusioned with both candidates.

Gabriela Cajo, 39, who backed a candidate from the party of assassinated 2023 presidential hopeful Fernando Villavicencio, expressed frustration with the lack of progress on crime.

“Daniel Noboa represents fear, and we represent hope, change. We do not want a state of war, we want peace,” she said.

“I think we are all annoyed with the electoral processes in the country, and the last thing we want is a second round and more expenditure of resources.

“There will be tremendous polarisation. There will be a lot of opposition to whoever wins. Once again, we will have to choose who is the least worst.”

Whoever is victorious in April will face significant challenges.

Ecuador continues to grapple with rampant crime, as drug cartels battle for control of lucrative trafficking routes through its ports. Kidnappings and murders remain daily occurrences.

The country is also struggling with high unemployment, a weak economy, and an energy crisis that caused blackouts of up to 14 hours last year.

Noboa has pledged to address these issues by creating jobs, attracting investment, and increasing renewable energy production.

Meanwhile, Gonzalez has emphasised the need for economic reform, social investment, and a stronger focus on tackling poverty.

Polls opened at 7am local time (12:00 GMT) on Sunday and will close 10 hours later (22:00 GMT).

Fifteen  candidates are challenging hard-right incumbent President Daniel Noboa, the 37-year-old son of a billionaire banana magnate who ascended to power just 14 months ago. His top challenger is left-wing lawmaker Luisa Gonzalez, a 47-year-old protege of former President Rafael Correa.

Gonzalez will have to dramatically outperform pre-election polls to beat frontrunner Noboa, whose iron-fisted – or “mano dura” – approach to crime is considered by experts a key factor in his projected lead.

If no candidate gets 50 percent of the vote, or 40 percent with a 10-point lead on the nearest rival, there will be a second-round run-off on April 13.

The campaigns have largely focused on concerns about the slumping economy and cartel turf wars that have turned Ecuador from one of the safest countries in the world to one of the most dangerous.

Noboa, first elected in 2023 to finish out his predecessor’s term, says his deployment of the military on the streets and within prisons has helped reduce violent deaths by 15 percent, led to a drastic fall in prison violence, and facilitated the capture of major gang leaders.

“Today, Ecuador has changed and wants to keep changing, it wants to consolidate its triumph,” Noboa said at a closing campaign rally on Thursday in the capital, Quito. “This Sunday, reclaim your ability to dream.”

But the president’s rivals have said more needs to be done to fight the drug trade-related crime that has rocked Ecuador in recent years.

Gonzalez says she would respond to crime with military and police operations, pursue allegedly corrupt judges and prosecutors and implement a social spending plan in the most violent areas.

“We can’t talk about controlling violence without thinking of social justice, of building an Ecuador with peace, not with war,” said Gonzalez. “We are moving toward this transformation with each one of you … we’ll save ourselves, together.”

One of the world’s youngest leaders, Noboa has bet his political future on a tough approach to crime, which has grown rampant as rival gangs fight over territory for cocaine smuggling.

During his first term, he declared a state of emergency, deployed the army across the country and gathered extraordinary executive powers to curb the violence.

Human rights groups believe that Noboa’s aggressive use of the armed forces has led to abuses, including the murder of four boys whose charred bodies were found near an army base.

But analysts say Noboa may have the edge, as rising cartel violence and record-high homicide rates continue to fuel support for strongman leadership.

“Our research shows that the majority of voters want a sort of dictatorship, they want that iron fist whatever the ideology behind it is,” analyst Omar Maluk told Al Jazeera.

“They still want a strong man who shows no weakness or sensibilities, even if these measures have mostly failed so far, because this January, Ecuador reached a world record of 700 killings in a single month.”

The security crisis has hit the economy, which likely entered a recession last year.

Noboa has been forced to turn to the International Monetary Fund to build a $4bn fiscal war chest.

Gonzalez, easing fears that she may scrap the IMF deal if elected, said on Saturday that the United Nations agency was “welcome” to help, so long as it does not insist on policies that hurt working families.

Polling stations opened on Sunday at 7am local time (06:00 GMT) and would close at about 7pm (18:00 GMT), with exit polls expected minutes later.

Milanovic, an outspoken critic of Western military support for Ukraine against Russia, won 49.1 percent of the vote during the contest’s first round two weeks ago – narrowly missing an outright victory.

The 58-year-old leader entered the contest with surging momentum as he faced off against Dragan Primorac, who managed to garner 19.35 percent of the votes. Primorac, 59, is backed by the HDZ party, which has governed the former Yugoslav republic since declaring independence in 1991.

The election comes as the European Union and NATO member country of 3.8 million people struggles with biting inflation, corruption scandals and a labour shortage.

Milanovic a former left-wing prime minister, took over the presidency in 2020 with the backing of the main opposition Social Democrats (SDP) party.

Milanovic condemned Russia’s invasion of Ukraine but has also criticised the West’s military support for Kyiv. His main rival has dubbed him “a pro-Russian puppet”.

He is very popular and is sometimes compared with United States President-elect Donald Trump for his combative style of communication with political opponents.

The 58-year-old has been a fierce critic of current Prime Minister Andrej Plenkovic and the pair have long sparred with each other.

The incumbent president regularly accuses Plenkovic and his conservative HDZ party of systemic corruption, calling the prime minister a “serious threat to Croatia’s democracy”.

Croatia’s presidential powers are limited, but a win by Milanovic would be a setback for the HDZ and Prime Minister Plenkovic.

An elected president holds political authority and acts as the supreme military commander. Many believe the presidential position is key for the political balance of power.

Primorac entered politics in the early 2000s when he was the science and education minister in the HDZ-led government. He unsuccessfully ran for the presidency in 2009, and after that mainly focused on his academic career, including lecturing at universities in the US, China and Croatia.

Milanovic denied he is pro-Russian but last year blocked the dispatch of five Croatian officers to NATO’s mission in Germany called Security Assistance and Training for Ukraine.

He also pledged he would never approve sending Croatian soldiers as part of any NATO mission to Ukraine. Plenkovic and his government say there is no such proposal.

Milanovic accused Primorac of associating with “mass murderers”, referring to Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s associates and the war in Gaza.

This is a shock ruling by Romania’s constitutional court, but it comes after two weeks of high political tension here.All predictions, any certainty, have flown out of the window.

So far, the streets are calm in Bucharest as people absorb the news.

Annulling the entire presidential election is a bold choice, but it follows another unprecedented move when the outgoing president ordered intelligence documents to be declassified and made public.

The document that talked of a massive online influence campaign to sway the vote in favour of fringe politician Calin Georgescu blamed a “state-sponsored actor”.Another, on attempts to hack electoral websites, talked of links to cyber-crime sites in Russia. A third file said that Russia was engaged in hybrid war here.Romanians have joined the dots and they blame Moscow. That brings dark memories for many people.At a rally on Thursday night, outside the university, I met people who recalled their years living under communist dictatorship and were genuinely scared that today’s Russia could be meddling here.In a bookshop, a children’s writer told me she would “leave the country immediately” if there was any sign Romania was turning away from its European path, becoming less free.It’s certainly true that Georgescu’s policies – ending aid to Ukraine, comments that question the point of Nato or undermine the EU – are helpful to Moscow.In the Kremlin, though they deny any role in these events, I am sure people are happy Russia is seen as so powerful; its tentacles so far-reaching they can even stir up Romanian politics. A Nato country, long seen as a stable and reliable partner.But when I met the man at the heart of all this controversy, Calin Georgescu brushed off any idea his meteoric rise – from fringe to election frontrunner – was down to Russian meddling.In fact, he laughed out loud.He did tell me that Vladimir Putin was a “leader and a patriot”, though he claimed he was “not a fan”.Suave and smooth-talking, he says he’s being blocked because he’s challenging the political establishment. He thinks his “Romania First” politics have genuine appeal to people here.On that last point, he’s probably right.I haven’t actually met anyone in Bucharest – outside Georgescu’s immediate team – who’s admitted to voting for him. But his online content – which flooded TikTok – had many messages that will appeal in a culturally conservative country, especially beyond the capital.He talks of sovereignty and of God and of fighting “the System”. He tells people their lives should be better.Will his followers, whoever they are, believe the reports that he is a Russian project and accept the cancellation of the vote? Or might they emerge from behind their computer screens and phones to protest?So far, the calls are to stay at home and stay calm. The election re-run might not be until spring. That’s a long time in Romanian politics.