“The muscle-flexing of the hostile forces near the areas of our state’s sovereignty and security may cause unimaginably terrible consequences,” Kim Yo Yong said on Tuesday, according to the state-run Korean Central News Agency (KCNA).

“The enemies should never try to test our patience, will and capability,” Kim said.

“We will watch to what extent the enemy violates the security of our state and what it is playing at,” she continued.

Kim’s remarks follow the start of the joint Freedom Shield exercises on Monday, which will run for 10 days and involve 18,000 South Korean and US military personnel.

The military manoeuvres are designed to “enhance the combined, joint, all-domain, and interagency operational environment, thereby strengthening the Alliance’s response capabilities,” United States Forces Korea said.

This year’s Freedom Shield will involve 22 field training drills, according to South Korea’s Yonhap News Agency, which is fewer than half the number carried out last year.

Kim added on Tuesday that there was no justification to hold the exercises, which have been called a “defensive” action by Washington and Seoul in the past.

“No  matter what justification they may establish and how the elements of the drill may be coordinated, the clear confrontational nature of the high-intensity large-scale war drill staged by the most hostile entities in collusion at the doorstep of [North Korea] never changes,” she said.

“The recent global geopolitical crisis and complicated international events prove that all military manoeuvres of the field warfare troops, to be conducted by the enemy states, assume no distinction between defence and attack, training and actual warfare,” she continued, in an apparent reference to the US-Israel war on Iran.

South Korea and North Korea have technically been at war since 1953, when an armistice agreement paused fighting but did not formally end the armed confrontation.

North Korean leader Kim Jong Un said in 2024 that he would no longer pursue reconciliation with South Korea, although it remains Seoul’s long-term goal.

An official at South Korea’s Ministry of Unification told Yonhap that Kim’s remarks on Tuesday were relatively muted by North Korean standards.

The statement did not refer directly to the US or threaten to use nuclear weapons, the official said, speaking on condition of anonymity.

“Kim appears to have limited her response to merely pinpointing the South Korea-US exercise, taking the current security situation into account,” the official told Yonhap.

“We are talking in the hundreds of millions of eggs for the short term,” Agriculture Secretary Brooke Rollins told reporters at the White House.

It follows the administration’s announcement of a $1bn (£792m) plan to combat a raging bird flu epidemic that has forced US farmers to cull tens of millions of chickens.

Despite President Trump’s campaign promise to reduce prices, the cost of eggs has surged more than 65% over the past year, and it is projected to rise by 41% in 2025.

Rollins said her department was also in talks with other countries to secure new supplies, but did not specify which regions.

“When our chicken populations are repopulated and we’ve got a full egg laying industry going again, hopefully in a couple of months, we then shift back to our internal egg layers and moving those eggs out onto the shelf, ” she said.

Polish and Lithuanian poultry associations said on Friday they had also been approached by US embassies regarding possible egg exports, the AFP reported.

“Back in February, the American embassy in Warsaw asked our organisation whether Poland would be interested in exporting eggs to the US market,” Katarzyna Gawronska, director of the National Chamber of Poultry and Feed Producers, told the news agency.

In February, the US Department of Agriculture unveiled a $1bn, five-point plan to tackle the price of eggs, with a budget of $500m for biosecurity measures, roughly $100m for vaccine research and development, and $400m for farmer financial relief programs.

The Trump administration said it will provide commercial egg farms with best practices and consulting services for free, and pay up to 75% of the costs to address vulnerabilities to help prevent the spread of bird flu.

“Our plan was to invest a significant amount of money to do audits across the country to have USDA help these egg laying companies to secure their barns,” Rollins said. “…and since we began doing that most recently, we’ve seen a significant decline in the bird flu.”

Though the avian flu, or H5N1, has circulated among American poultry flocks for years, an outbreak starting in 2022 has wreaked havoc on farms, killing more than 156 million birds and sending egg prices skyrocketing.

Egg prices became a rallying point for Trump in last year’s presidential run as he sought to capitalise on voters’ frustrations with the rising cost of essential items.

During his address to the US Congress earlier this month, he blamed the soaring egg prices on his predecessor Joe Biden.

“Joe Biden especially let the price of eggs get out of control – and we are working hard to get it back down,” he added.

Egg prices rose as the Biden administration directed millions of egg-laying birds to be culled last year amid a bird flu outbreak, though prices have continued rising during the early stages of Trump’s second presidency.

Scrolling through Twitter for information about the band’s solo projects, she saw a reply that said “Listen to Icy by Itzy”.

Intrigued, she clicked on the link. It changed her life.

“I’d never listened to K-Pop before that point but I immediately became a fan,” she says.

“And now Itzy is the reason I have my job.”

Today, Clare is the marketing and social media manager for K-Stars, the UK’s first and biggest shop devoted to Korean pop music.

Based in Manchester, it started as a small business in Manchester’s Affleck’s Palace in 2019.

“You’d order things by PayPal, and then the CEO would pack them up by himself and ship everything out,” Clare recalls.

Now it’s a two-storey emporium, based on Deansgate, with a staff of more than 20 dedicated K-Pop enthusiasts.

It’s a sign of how the genre has exploded in the UK, even though radio and television has largely shunned all but the biggest acts, like BTS, aespa and Blackpink.

“It’s still kind of a niche – but it’s not a small niche,” says Clare. “In my head I’m the only Itzy fan, but when I went to see them in concert, it was sold out.

“I was like, ‘Wow, where have all you people been hiding?'”

In fact, the UK is now among the top 10 countries that follow K-Pop on Spotify, with the boyband Ateez placing two records in the top five of the UK album charts last year.

This summer, Blackpink will play two nights at Wembley Stadium, with Stray Kids pulling off the same feat in Tottenham.

Meanwhile, Twickenham Stadium will say “anyong haseyo” to one of K-pop’s longest-running festivals.

Established in 2008, the SM Town Live festival is a showcase for artists signed to the SM Entertainment Label, one of the industry’s key players.

To celebrate the company’s 30th anniversary, they’re transplanting the event from Seoul to Middlesex.

“It’s essentially a multi-day festival all in one, because you’ve got so many artists all at the same venue, jam packed into the space of three or four hours,” says Reese Carter, of boyband Dear Alice, who’ll be among the performers in Twickenham.

“It’s non-stop. You’ve got to prep yourself, because you’ll definitely want to dance.”

“It’s very down to earth but it goes straight to your heart,” adds Ten from K-Pop group WayV.

SM holds a unique place in Korea’s musical history. Founded in 1995 by Lee Soo-man, it is widely credited with establishing the K-Pop template.

It was the first company to introduce the trainee system, where young talent goes through intensive training that lasts months, or even years, before making their “debut”.

And it dominated what’s known as the “first generation” of K-Pop idols, with bands like H.O.T. and S.E.S.

The Twickenham show will pay tribute to that three-decade journey, with a line-up that includes everyone from Red Velvet, EXO and Girl’s Generation to current chart-toppers like aespa, Riize and all of the sub-units of boyband NCT – which boasts more than 20 members.

“That’s very rare,” says Ten, one of the group’s most recognisable (and chatty) stars.

“The last time we had an NCT concert as a whole was two years ago. It’s so difficult to schedule every group to be in the same spot at the same time.”

But that’s not all. The concert will also feature what’s been billed as “a group of promising trainees”, known for now as SMTR25 – showcasing the future of the label.

“Performing alongside the senior artists we’ve admired since our trainee days, as well as our talented junior artists, makes this an incredibly meaningful experience for us,” said aespa in an email to the BBC.

The hope is that shows like this will open a few doors – because, for all the strides K-Pop has made in the last couple of years, bands have consistently prioritised America over Europe.

It’s a logical step. The US is the world’s biggest music market, so it offers more opportunities for touring and merchandise sales, while an MTV Award performance or a concert for NPR’s Tiny Desk series travels further internationally than an appearance at the Brit Awards.

“The situation here isn’t as good as what the American industry gets,” acknowledges Amber Clare.

“Every single K-Pop group, if they announce a world tour, America will always be on the map – but European countries are always left wondering if they’re going to be included or not.”

Things are changing, though.

In a crowded market, labels are increasingly turning their attention to the UK – where the anglophone media has international reach, and there’s a baked-in affection for boy and girl groups like Take That, Spice Girls, Girls Aloud and Little Mix.

To make inroads, bands have teamed up with some of Britain’s biggest artists.

Aespa’s 2023 single Better Things was co-written by Raye, while Le Sserafim collaborated with PinkPantheress on club anthem Crazy and with Jungle on their latest song, Come Over.

Last year, SM went one further – creating a British boyband and putting them through the K-Pop machinery.

That group was Dear Alice, whose gruelling traineeship was documented in BBC series Made In Korea.

Having survived the process, the five-piece finally premiered their debut single, Ariana, at a massive SM Town concert in Seoul in January.

“These shows are timed down to the second,” says singer Blaise Noon. “When we got our time to go on stage, it was literally like, 8:30 and 48 seconds. It just shows how so well thought out is.”

Bringing the production to London is evidence that SM has its sights trained on the UK, he confirms.

“In the UK, we produce some really amazing boy groups, so I think we have that connection in the culture. So I think they definitely want to hit it. I can see it getting bigger and bigger every day.”

Ten, who releases a new solo album, Stunner, next week, says he’s already experienced the devotion of UK fans.

When his group WayV last visited England in 2023, “we were surprised that people could sing along to our songs, because we sing in Chinese”, he says.

“This opportunity with SM Town, I feel like it’s going to open a bigger market for K-Pop in the UK.

“I hope so, because I’d like to come and perform my solo stuff to my UK fans too.”

The opportunity is there.

Nine of the 10 best-selling albums in the world last year were by South Korean artists, illustrating the music’s broad appeal – but none of those records charted in the UK’s Top 50.

Lack of radio exposure is one factor – but listeners can also be put off by clunky English lyrics or the sudden-but-deliberate stylistic shifts that characterise K-Pop.

If you’re willing to dig into the genre, though, you can find some of the most audacious and indelible hooks music has to offer.

One by-product of K-pop’s (relative) obscurity is the bond it creates among fans. There’s a sense of belonging that comes from discovering and nurturing your “bias”, outside the glare of the mainstream.

It’s a relationship bands foster by a fire hose stream of social media content, where dance challenges, video diaries and photoshoots are posted daily.

Dear Alice experienced the impact of that effort at a UK meet-and-greet last weekend.

“It felt like we were hanging out with a bunch of our mates,” says Dexter Greenwood.

“They were just cool people,” adds James Sharp. “We’re starting to recognise faces and remember people on this journey – and I think there’s going to be more and more.”

By the time they play Twickenham in June, the group promise to have more new music to showcase.

In the meantime, though, they want to introduce their labelmates to some of the UK’s finer customs.

“We’ve got to order a bunch of Greggs for the SM family,” says Noon.

“A whole banquet of sausage rolls.”

The court said the band, which had renamed themselves NJZ and began organising their own appearances, must not conduct any independent activities – from making music to signing advertising deals.

Earlier last year, NewJeans said that they were leaving Ador, after accusing them of mistreatment. Ador subsequently sued to have NewJeans’ contracts upheld and, after accusing the group of trying to sign independent deals without its approval, filed an injunction against them in January.

The group has said that they will challenge Friday’s decision.

The court’s ruling casts some uncertainty around the release of the group’s new song, slated for Sunday.

It also means they will now face difficulty re-debuting under their new name, NJZ, without facing severe financial penalties for breach of contract.

NewJeans and Ador have been embroiled in a dramatic dispute since August 2024, when Hybe, the parent company of Ador, allegedly forced out NewJeans’ mentor, Min Hee-Jin.

The band issued an ultimatum demanding that Min should be restored – and, when Hybe refused, went public with a number of complaints against the label, including the claim it had deliberately undermined their careers.

One of the group’s members, Hanni, also alleged that she suffered workplace harassment while working with the label.

In a press conference in November, NewJeans announced their departure from the company, saying Hybe and Ador had lost the right to represent them as artists.

On Friday, the Seoul court ruled that NewJeans’ claims did not “sufficiently prove that Ador violated their significant duty as part of their contract”, adding that the music label had upheld “most of its duty including payment”.

“If [NewJeans] unilaterally terminate the contract, Ador would suffer greatly. And if [NewJeans] begins activity under a new name, it could severely damage not only the brand of NewJeans but the reputation of Ador,” the court’s statement reads.

The group says they respect the ruling but has argued that they did not have sufficient opportunity to fully present their case to the court.

“We plan to challenge today’s decision… during which we will raise additional legal issues and submit further supporting evidence,” they responded in a statement just hours after the ruling.

“Regardless… we can no longer remain with a management that has disrespected our identities and undermined our achievements.”

A lawsuit regarding the validity of the two parties’ contract termination is still underway.

The five band members – Minji, Hanni, Danielle, Haerin and Hyein – have over the past few months continued to assert their independence, creating a new Instagram account under the name “jeanzforfree”.

They have also said they would fight to keep their name, and their career, and would remain “NewJeans at heart” even if they lost the fight against Ador.

NewJeans were considered one of the brightest new bands in K-Pop, thanks to a playful blend of 1990s R&B and sugar-coated pop melodies.

In 2023, they were the eighth biggest-selling act in the world. Last year, they picked up a nomination for best group at the MTV Awards.

The Air Busan plane caught fire at Gimhae International Airport in the country’s south on 28 January – causing three people on board to sustain minor injuries.

On Friday, South Korea’s transport ministry said that interim investigation results indicate the fire may have started because insulation inside a power bank battery had broken down.

The power bank was found in an overhead luggage compartment where the fire was first detected, and its debris had scorch marks, according to the statement.

Investigators could not say what may have caused the battery breakdown, it added.

The update is also based only on interim findings, and is not a final accident report on the aircraft, an Airbus A321ceo.

Airlines around the world have banned power banks from checked luggage for years due to safety concerns, which relate to the lithium-ion batteries inside the devices.

These batteries can produce extreme heat and fire if damage or manufacturing faults cause them to short circuit.

Lithium-ion batteries of any kind have been banned from the cargo holds of passenger planes since 2016, as per a directive by the International Civil Aviation Organisation.

In the week after the Air Busan fire, the airline tightened those rules further, announcing that it would no longer allow passengers to keep power banks in their onboard luggage.

The carrier said the new rules were in response to an increase in the number of power banks that were overheating.

A growing number of airlines – including China Airlines and Thai Airways – are rolling out similar rules, with Singapore Airlines and its low-cost unit Scoot set to become the latest to ban the use and charging of power banks onboard from 1 April.

On 28 February, the South Korean government also announced that passengers boarding flights in the country would be required to carry portable batteries and chargers on their person, rather than storing them in overhead compartments.

Han, then the leader of Yoon’s People Power Party (PPP), was widely seen as one of the presiden’t closest allies. Yet that was Han’s first hint that Yoon was about to do something unprecedented.

By midnight, the president had plunged the country into a political maelstrom, declaring martial law as part of a self-proclaimed bid to eliminate “anti-state forces” and North Korea sympathisers.

“When I first heard the news of martial law, I thought, ‘We must stop it, because if it isn’t lifted that very night, a bloodbath might occur,'” Han tells BBC Korean.

“The fear and terror that South Korea’s decades-long, hard-won achievements might suddenly collapse were overwhelming.”

Soon after Yoon’s announcement, the opposition’s Democratic Party leader hosted a live stream urging people to assemble in protest outside the National Assembly building in central Seoul.

Thousands responded, clashing with police and blocking military units as opposition lawmakers rushed into the assembly building, clambering over fences and walls in a desperate attempt to block Yoon’s order.

Han was among them.

The late-night martial law edict seemed to have come from nowhere. It was, and remains, unclear who in Yoon’s party supported or even knew of the move before it was made. But in the hours that followed, Han would help lead a successful attempt to overturn Yoon’s order and have the declaration lifted.

Weeks later, he would also play a key role in impeaching the disgraced president – a move that would see him branded a “traitor” by mainstream members of the PPP, and ultimately lead to his resignation as party leader.

Han says he has “no regrets” about overturning Yoon’s martial law attempt, insisting that he’d “choose the same again”.

But in many people’s eyes, his subsequent decision to impeach the very president he’d helped get elected was a surprising heel turn for someone formerly viewed as Yoon’s right-hand man.

“We have experienced so much together over many years,” Han says of his relationship with Yoon.

“I find the current situation extremely painful and regretful. Both the president and I worked in good faith for the betterment of our country – yet I must say that I deeply regret how things have turned out.”

For years, Han and Yoon were inseparable allies. Having both attended Seoul National University, the two forged a close bond as prosecutors while jointly investigating corruption in the country’s halls of power.

Han gained political prominence when Yoon was narrowly elected president in May 2022, after beating his opponent by less than 1% of the vote.

Han was made Minister of Justice and later entrusted with the key role of Emergency Countermeasures Committee Chairman for the PPP, becoming the leader of the ruling party at the age of 50.

Yoon’s time in office was beleaguered by scandals and political failures – not least of all his landslide loss to the opposition Democratic Party last April.

The result of those parliamentary elections was widely seen as a vote of no confidence against Yoon, and rendered him a lame-duck president.

For most of Yoon’s administration, the PPP’s conservative base was enthusiastic about Han. The lawyer-turned-politician had quickly emerged as a likely party candidate for the next presidential election, originally scheduled for 2027.

Now, as the increasing likelihood of a 2025 election looms amid the fallout of Yoon’s ill-fated martial law attempt, Han’s reputation is largely defined by the way he acted during and after that fateful night.

While some still see him as a fresh and promising political figure, many view him as having betrayed the very president who had furthered his career.

In the weeks following Yoon’s abortive martial law order, the embattled president curried favour among PPP hardliners by refusing to cede political ground.

While he apologised for the events of December 3, he refused to resign, instead holing up in his official residence in defiance of calls for his impeachment.

He rallied his base and defended his decision by playing on unsubstantiated fears that the country was in danger.

It was these staunch Yoon loyalists who would come to turn against Han.

Despite having rejected Yoon’s martial law declaration on December 3, Han initially opposed the impeachment motion put forth against the president by South Korea’s political opposition – siding with almost every other PPP member in boycotting the first vote on December 7.

Days later, Han changed course. This was after allegations had emerged that during the martial law attempt Yoon had ordered key political figures – including Han – to be arrested. In allegiance with his close political aides, Han threw his full support behind a second and ultimately successful impeachment attempt, ousting Yoon as president.

“I wanted nothing more than for this government to succeed,” Han tells the BBC, reflecting on the storm of condemnation that then followed from within his own party ranks.

“I initially sought an orderly early resignation plan for the president – a plan I earnestly pursued, but which ultimately failed,” he adds.

“I am deeply pained by the outcome and empathise with those who remain unconvinced and heartbroken. Nonetheless, I believe it was a necessary decision for South Korea’s continued progress and development.”

Yoon has been suspended from his presidential duties and is currently under investigation on insurrection charges. Han, meanwhile, stepped down as PPP leader in mid-December, maintaining that although Yoon’s impeachment was painful, he did not regret his decision.

In the two months that followed, Han says he took some time to “quietly reflect” on whether he could have done more during such a turbulent period for South Korea.

“And I wrote a book,” he adds: a memoir, titled “The People Come First”, which chronicles the two weeks following Yoon’s martial law declaration.

It’s no surprise the book has become a bestseller: after all, it claims to be a first-hand account of events that have already gone down as some of the most dramatic in South Korea’s political history. It hit shelves on 26 February, one day after the Constitutional Court held its final hearing on Yoon’s impeachment trial.

It also hints at Han’s future ambitions. Publishing a memoir is seen as a common first step in launching a political campaign in South Korea, and some believe “The People Come First” underscores Han’s hopes to run as the PPP’s presidential candidate, if the court impeaches Yoon and triggers a snap election.

Within the book’s 384 pages, Han also discusses the need for constitutional reform and suggests that if he were to become president, he would change South Korea’s five-year presidential term to four years.

Should he choose to run, the memoir serves to remind South Koreans where he stands on crucial issues – and that he is no longer an ally of a disgraced president.

As it stands, the odds look stacked against him. A recent poll found that Han’s approval rating to become the next president sat at 6% – a fraction of the 22% rating he scored in January 2024. The decline of his political fortunes is compounded by the critics within the PPP, who accuse him of failing to protect both his former party and the president.

But Han plays down the suggestion that his memoir is intended as a political tool.

“I have published a book in which I truthfully express what I experienced and thought during these events,” he tells the BBC. “I am not returning with any specific political manoeuvre, but simply to share that message with you all.”

Another message Han seems eager to share is one of contrition towards the people of South Korea. He doesn’t regret voting to impeach his president and former ally, he insists, but he does regret this.

“Yoon did impose martial law, and I believe that was a wrong act – one that does not align with the principles of liberal democracy,” he says. “As the leader of the ruling party that put that president in office, I want to express my deepest apologies to the people.”

“I am truly sorry that our actions, and the reactions we displayed, hurt the people. I think we must overcome and resolve this crisis.”

The incident involving the Air Force KF-16 aircraft, in the city of Pocheon near North Korea, was part of routine drills held by the South to maintain combat readiness against potential attacks from the North.

South Korea’s Air Force said that it was investigating the incident and apologised for the damage, adding it would provide compensation to those affected.

While shells from live firing exercises sometimes land near civilian residences, they rarely cause injuries.

According to local media reports, two people suffered fractures to their necks and shoulders.

A 60-year-old who was driving when the explosion happened had shrapnel lodged in their neck, Yonhap reported.

“I was driving when I heard a ‘bang’,” they said. “When I woke up, I was in an ambulance.”

“Our KF-16 (fighter jet) abnormally dropped eight shells of MK-82 bombs. It landed outside of firing range,” said Korea’s Air Force in a statement to the BBC.

The military said the pilot of one of the jets inputted the wrong coordinates by mistake, causing the bombs to drop in the civilian community.

Investigators have yet to determine why the second jet dropped its bombs, the military said, adding all live-fire exercises will be suspended.

One church building and houses were also damaged as a result of the incident.

Images published on local media show a broken window of a building and damaged roof of the church.

A local resident told Yonhap that he had been watching television at home when the explosion, which sounded “like a thunderclap”, shook the house.

The director of a nearby senior citizen care centre said that the building’s windows shattered and one of their teachers was taken to hospital with injuries. While no seniors were hurt, they said, “they were so frightened that we sent them all home”.

Pocheon authorities told the BBC earlier on Thursday that residents had been evacuated while a bomb disposal team worked on safely disposing any unexploded bombs.

But authorities later said they did not find any unexploded bombs at the scene, Yonhap reported.

The defence ministry said the training on Thursday was related to a joint drill with US forces.

South Korea and the US are set to run combined drills from March 10 to March 20 – the first since US president Donald Trump’s return to the White House. This comes at a time when the two countries are increasingly wary of the growing alliance between North Korea and Russia.

During another joint drill by South Korea and the US in 2022, troops fired a short-range ballistic missile which malfunctioned and crashed on a golf course in the military base. While the warhead did not explode, it still burst into flames and sent panic rippling across residents in the area.

Police have called for the woman – who is currently in Japan – to come forward for questioning on charges of sexual harrassment in a public space.

The incident happened during the K-pop idol’s first public event in Seoul last June, which saw him hug 1,000 fans. Instead of just hugging the star, the woman appeared to have kissed his face, with Jin responding by turning his face away.

The kiss angered other BTS fans, one of whom filed a criminal complaint against her, leading police to launch an investigation.

On 13 June, 2024, the day after he was discharged from the army, Jin, whose real name is Kim Seok-jin, held a fan event where he hugged 1,000 fans and performed songs in front of 3,000 others.

During the three-hour long “hugathon”, fans who won the chance to embrace him queued up and went on stage one by one to meet the 33-year-old star.

But one of them caused an uproar when she appeared to kiss Jin’s face.

Clips of the moment went viral on the internet. Videos show that Jin, taken aback by the move, tried to turn his head while hugging the woman before quickly moving on to the next fan. Fans could also be seen reacting angrily to her actions.

She later wrote on her blog later that she kissed him “on his neck” and “the skin was very soft”.

The woman’s identity has not been revealed but police added that they had identified her with the assistance from their Japanese counterparts.

The BBC has reached out to BTS’ agency HYBE for comment.

Jin is the first BTS member to have been discharged from military duty. He was followed by J-Hope who was discharged in October. The other five – V, RM, Jimin, Jungkook and Suga – are still serving and the band is expected to reunite only in June 2025.

K-pop idols are known for having a close relationship with their fanbases through various communication channels and events. It’s common for artists to communicate with fans through social media livestream chats and in-person events to cultivate loyal fans.

But fans and agencies have increasingly been aware of some toxic fan cultures as well. For example, many artists have been vocal about the stress caused by “sasaeng fans”, who are overly obsessed with their idols that would stalk and harass the artists.

While Yoon Suk Yeol testified, she chanted along with hundreds of his incensed and worried supporters, who have rallied around him ever since his failed attempt to impose martial law. “Release him now. Cancel his impeachment,” they shouted.

“If the president is impeached and the opposition leader is elected, our country will become one with North Korea and Kim Jong Un,” Jeong-min said, citing a theory popular among President Yoon’s most fanatical followers: that the left-leaning opposition party wants to unify with the North and turn South Korea into a communist country.

At 22 years old, Jeong-min stands out from the legion of elderly Koreans who have always feared and despised the North, and make up the bulk of those who hold these far-right conspiratorial beliefs.

That generation of Koreans, now in its 60s and 70s, lived through the Cold War and remembers bitterly the devastating aftermath of North Korea’s invasion in the 1950s.

When Yoon declared martial law in early December, he played on these fears to justify his power grab.

Without citing evidence, he claimed that “North Korean communist forces” had infiltrated the opposition party and were trying to overthrow the country. They needed to be “eradicated”, he said, as he moved swiftly to ban political activity and put the army in charge.

Two months on from his failed coup, an anti-communist frenzy is gripping Yoon’s supporters, young and old.

Even some who had never given North Korea or communism much thought are now convinced their dynamic democracy is on the brink of being turned into a leftist dictatorship – and that their leader had no choice but to remove people’s democratic rights in order to protect them from both Pyongyang and Beijing.

“This a war between communism and democracy,” said one office worker in his 40s, who had slipped out of work to join the protest at the court.

Another man, in his 30s, adamantly argued the president had to be returned to office as soon as possible. “He’s going to arrest all the North Korean spies,” he said.

Such threats were once very real. During the 1960s and 70s, spies would regularly attempt to infiltrate the government.

In 1968, a group of North Korean commandos crawled across the border and tried to assassinate then President Park Chung-hee. A tree atop Seoul’s Bugak mountain still bears the bullet marks from the intense gun battles that raged for nearly two weeks.

In the 1980s, during the final years of South Korea’s violent military dictatorship, a radical far-left student movement began to praise Pyongyang for its “superior” political system. They were labelled regime “sympathisers”.

It was also common for authoritarian leaders to accuse their political adversaries of being North Korean conspirators.

“Anti-communism became the dominant ideology of South Korea’s military dictators, who used it to control society and justify restricting people’s freedom,” said Shin Jin-wook, a sociology professor at Chungang University.

Today, these threats have dissipated. Pyongyang’s nuclear weapons and advanced cyber-hacking abilities pose the greater risk, and you would struggle to find anyone in South Korea who wants to emulate life in the North. The political left and right are merely divided over how to deal with their troublesome neighbour.

While the approach of Yoon’s conservative People Power Party has been to try to threaten the North into submission with military superiority, the left-leaning Democratic Party prefers to engage with Pyongyang, believing the two countries can peacefully co-exist.

The president has been accused of exploiting people’s historic fears. “Yoon’s rhetoric almost completely matches that of past dictators, and he is the first president to use this anti-communist ideology so blatantly since Korea became a democracy in 1987,” said Mr Shin.

Not only has Yoon accused the parliament, led by the opposition Democratic Party, of being riddled with Pyongyang sympathisers, but he has dangled the idea that North Korea, with help from China, rigged last year’s parliamentary election.

“This is fake news cooked up by Yoon to demonise the opposition and justify his completely undemocratic move,” one Democratic Party lawmaker, Wi Sung-lac, told the BBC.

“We have a long history of fighting for democracy and freedom in Korea. We are the ones who managed to thwart Yoon’s attempt to destroy Korea’s democracy,” he said, referring to the opposition politicians who pushed past troops and climbed over the parliament’s walls during martial law to vote down the motion.

Such ideas were previously pedalled by extreme conservative groups, said Lee Sangsin, a polling expert at the Korea Institute for National Unification.

“These groups were isolated. People didn’t take much notice,” he explained. “But because Yoon is the president, his words carry weight, and many people have accepted what he said.”

This was evident at one of the pro-Yoon weekend rallies we attended last month. Far from being die-hard conspiracy theorists, nearly everyone we spoke to said Yoon had changed their thinking.

“At first I didn’t support Yoon, but martial law opened my eyes,” said Oh Jung-hyuk, a 57-year-old musician, there with his wife. “We can see how deeply embedded leftist forces are in our society.” One woman in her 40s told us she previously had doubts about Chinese vote rigging but had researched the issue after martial law and “realised it was true”.

Yoon’s supporters often point to real events – how the previous Democratic Party President, Moon Jae-in, met Kim Jong Un to try to orchestrate a peace deal; that the current Democratic leader, Lee Jae-myung, is being investigated for helping to send millions of dollars to North Korea – then use these as evidence of a greater plot.

“This far-fetched conspiracy theory that China rigged the election is becoming more and more accepted,” said the sociology professor Mr Shin. “One of the most basic consensuses in a democracy is the premise of fair and free elections, and now we have people distrusting that. This is very extreme.”

As Yoon’s unsubstantiated claims have taken root, his support seems to have grown. Although the majority of people in South Korea still want him permanently removed from office, the number has fallen. Last week it stood at 57%, compared to 75% in the week after the martial law declaration.

Through his anti-communist rhetoric, Yoon has also effectively tapped into a simmering distrust of China. To fear North Korea now means to be wary of China too.

At a recent weekend rally in Seoul, many supporters had swapped their trademark “Stop the Steal” election fraud placards for ones that read “Chinese Communist Party OUT”.

“I believe China is interfering in all South Korea’s political affairs. It’s pulling the strings behind the scenes,” said 66-year-old Jo Yeon-deok, who was holding one of the signs.

According to the polling expert, Mr Lee, “a growing portion of the public now believes China wants to turn South Korea into some kind of vassal state”.

For those in their 20s and 30s who have never experienced real danger from North Korea, China is a more believable threat. Last year the Pew Research Centre found that South Korea and Hungary were the only two countries where the young had a more negative view of China than the old.

But contrary to the information they are being fed, young people’s fears have nothing to do with communism, said Cho Jin-man, a political scientist at Duksung Women’s University.

Until recently South Koreans felt their country was superior to China, Mr Cho explained – but as Beijing has become stronger and more assertive they have started to see it as a threat, especially since the US started treating it as such.

On top of that, young people have a lot of grievances: they’re struggling to find work or afford a home, and feel resentful when they see their universities catering to Chinese students.

Communism, Mr Cho believes, is being used as a convenient catch-all bogeyman to stir up fear and hate. This message is amplified by far-right YouTube channels, particularly popular with young men.

“North Korea and China are my biggest concerns,” said Kim Gyung-joo, a 30-year-old IT developer, who came alone to one of the rallies. He used to be left-wing like his friends, he said, and was initially very critical of the president’s martial law order. But after researching the issue on YouTube he realised martial law was “unavoidable”.

“If I’d been in the president’s position, I’d have declared it too,” he said.

Nonetheless, Wi Sung-lac the opposition politician is not concerned about his party losing support. “Even though these extreme views are spreading, they will be limited,” he said. “Most people understand who we really are, and they are yearning for a return to normality.”

Polling expert Lee Sang-sin is less sanguine, likening Yoon’s supporters to “a fast-growing cult”. The president’s move was “very divisive”, he said.

“It is going to have a lasting effect on Korean society”.

“We confirmed DeepSeek communicating with ByteDance,” the South Korean data protection regulator told Yonhap News Agency.

The country had already removed DeepSeek from app stores over the weekend over data protection concerns.

The Chinese app caused shockwaves in the AI world in January, wiping billions off global stock markets over claims its new model was trained at a much lower cost than US rivals such as ChatGPT.

Since then, multiple countries have warned that user data may not be properly protected, and in February a US cybersecurity company alleged potential data sharing between DeepSeek and ByteDance.

DeepSeek’s apparent overnight impact saw it shoot to the top of App Store charts in the UK, US and many other countries around the world – although it now sits far below ChatGPT in UK rankings.

In South Korea, it had been downloaded over a million times before being pulled from Apple and Google’s App Stores on Saturday evening.

Existing users can still access the app and use it on a web browser.

The data regulator, the Personal Information Protection Commission (PIPC), told South Korea’s Yonhap News Agency that despite finding a link between DeepSeek and ByteDance, it was “yet to confirm what data was transferred and to what extent”.

Critics of the Chinese state have long argued its National Intelligence Law allows the government to access any data it wants from Chinese companies.

However, ByteDance, headquartered in Beijing, is owned by a number of global investors – and others say the same law allows for the protection of private companies and personal data.

Fears over user data being sent to China was one of the reasons the US Supreme Court upheld a ban on TikTok, which is owned by ByteDance.

The US ban is on hold until 5 April as President Donald Trump attempts to broker a resolution.

Cybersecurity company Security Scorecard published a blog on DeepSeek on 10 February which suggested “multiple direct references to ByteDance-owned” services.

“These references suggest deep integration with ByteDance’s analytics and performance monitoring infrastructure,” it said in its review of DeepSeek’s Android app.

Security Scorecard expressed concern that along with privacy risks, DeepSeek “user behaviour and device metadata [are] likely sent to ByteDance servers”.

It also found data “being transmitted to domains linked to Chinese state-owned entities”.

On Monday, South Korea’s PIPC said it “found out traffic generated by third-party data transfers and insufficient transparency in DeepSeek’s privacy policy”.

It said DeepSeek was cooperating with the regulator, and acknowledged it had failed to to take into account South Korean privacy laws.

But the regulator advised users “exercise caution and avoid entering personal information into the chatbot”.

South Korea has already followed a number of countries such as Australia and Taiwan in banning DeepSeek from government devices.